Hillary Panicked As SCOTUS About To Give States The Power To Overturn The Election!


Heads up folks!

It appears that the U.S. Supreme Court is about to confirm the power of States to nullify and overturn an election if that election is found to be fraudulent.

That would kind of be a big deal, right?

How do I know this is about to happen?

Because Hillary Clinton just made a very panicked video warning about this happening and bloviating about how dangerous this will be.

Translation?

The decision has already been made and she’s in a panic over what will happen next.

So is all of D.C.

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The video is short but tells you all you need to know…

Watch here on Rumble:

Hillary Clinton seems extremely concerned about how much power individual states are retaining. It’s almost like Trump’s original promise to bring power out of DC and back to the people is literally happening right now.

Does she realize the Constitution already put the state legislatures in control of this process?

What do I mean by that?

It’s simple…it’s all in the Constitution.

It’s called Article II, Section 1, Clause 2 and it reads like this:

Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.

The power has ALWAYS been with the States.

Why?

Because our founders were smart.

They knew a powerful, centralized Federal Government would eventually turn corrupt.

Spoiler alert: they were right.

They knew the best chance they had of success for our country was to distribute power among the 50 states, to keep power decentralized and democratized.

So the wrote Article II, Section 1, Clause 2.

It’s all very simple actually.

Congress.gov gives more explanation (I’ve bolded and underlined the key part):

The word appoint as used in Clause 2 confers on state legislatures the broadest power of determination.1 Upholding a state law providing for selection of electors by popular vote from districts rather than statewide, the Court described the variety of permissible methods. Therefore, on reference to contemporaneous and subsequent action under the clause, we should expect to find, as we do, that various modes of choosing the electors were pursued, as, by the legislature itself on joint ballot; by the legislature through a concurrent vote of the two houses; by vote of the people for a general ticket; by vote of the people in districts; by choice partly by the people voting in districts and partly by the legislature; by choice by the legislature from candidates voted for by the people in districts; and in other ways, as, notably, by North Carolina in 1792, and Tennessee in 1796 and 1800. No question was raised as to the power of the State to appoint, in any mode its legislature saw fit to adopt, and none that a single method, applicable without exception, must be pursued in the absence of an amendment to the Constitution. The district system was largely considered the most equitable, and Madison wrote that it was that system which was contemplated by the framers of the Constitution, although it was soon seen that its adoption by some States might place them at a disadvantage by a division of their strength, and that a uniform rule was preferable.2 

Although Clause 2 seemingly vests complete discretion in the states, certain older cases had recognized a federal interest in protecting the integrity of the process. Thus, the Court upheld the power of Congress to protect the right of all citizens who are entitled to vote to lend aid and support in any legal manner to the election of any legally qualified person as a presidential elector.3 Its power to protect the choice of electors from fraud or corruption was sustained.4 If this government is anything more than a mere aggregation of delegated agents of other States and governments, each of which is superior to the general government, it must have the power to protect the elections on which its existence depends from violence and corruption. If it has not this power it is helpless before the two great natural and historical enemies of all republics, open violence and insidious corruption.5

More recently, substantial curbs on state discretion have been instituted by both the Court and the Congress. In Williams v. Rhodes,6 the Court struck down a complex state system that effectively limited access to the ballot to the electors of the two major parties. In the Court’s view, the system violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment because it favored some and disfavored others and burdened both the right of individuals to associate together to advance political beliefs and the right of qualified voters to cast ballots for electors of their choice. For the Court, Justice Black denied that the language of Clause 2 immunized such state practices from judicial scrutiny.7 Then, in Oregon v. Mitchell,8 the Court upheld the power of Congress to reduce the voting age in presidential elections9 and to set a thirty-day durational residency period as a qualification for voting in presidential elections.10 Although the Justices were divided on the reasons, the rationale emerging from this case, considered with Williams v. Rhodes,11 is that the Fourteenth Amendment limits state discretion in prescribing the manner of selecting electors and that Congress in enforcing the Fourteenth Amendment12 may override state practices that violate that Amendment and may substitute standards of its own.

Whether state enactments implementing the authority to appoint electors are subject to the ordinary processes of judicial review within a state, or whether placement of the appointment authority in state legislatures somehow limits the role of state judicial review, became an issue during the controversy over the Florida recount and the outcome of the 2000 presidential election. The Supreme Court did not resolve this issue, but in a remand to the Florida Supreme Court, suggested that the role of state courts in applying state constitutions may be constrained by operation of Clause 2.13 Three Justices elaborated on this view in Bush v. Gore,14 but the Court ended the litigation—and the recount—on the basis of an equal protection interpretation, without ruling on the Article II argument.

Is this how President Trump returns?

I think it’s very possible.

Read this:

Explaining “Devolution” and Trump’s Return

Have you been hearing more and more about “devolution”?

Confused about what it means?

I’ve got you covered.

Let’s start here:

https://twitter.com/roark183/status/1421864575108935682

https://twitter.com/benjaminbey13/status/1422425491944919041

Praying Medic did a great summary that will get you started in understand this concept:

A few weeks ago, my wife came across a series of articles written by an anonymous blogger who proposed the possibility that President Trump’s administration is covertly being preserved by the U.S military through a process called devolution. I realize that this idea may sound unbelievable and many people who could not mentally adjust to Trump’s election loss convinced themselves that he had somehow managed to remain President. In their minds, Trump was still occupying the oval office, and Biden was on a TV set somewhere. This is not one of those theories. Rather, it is the logical conclusion one might arrive at if they had conducted an enormous amount of research.

The word “devolution” as it is used in the context of government refers to the delegation of powers from a central government to regional or local entities. As it pertains to this discussion, it suggests that Trump and the military have established regional hubs of governmental authority and this fact is known only to those who are directly involved. A number of people have uncovered documents and pieced together key events supporting the idea that Trump put in place a mechanism by which he could remain Commander in Chief, even as Joe Biden appears to be President.

The premise that Trump could do this is based on the idea that America has been in an undeclared war with China since at least January of 2020. Trump has said on several occasions that when China allowed covid-19 to escape Wuhan, they committed an act of war. When the U.S. is at war—even when it is an undeclared war—the President has powers not available to him in peacetime. These powers do not require congressional approval and many times when they are exercised, the public is not aware. The President can, in wartime, take whatever steps are deemed necessary to save the Republic.

The devolution theory revolves around a number of presidential memoranda, executive orders, and odd personnel changes made in 2020 related to national security. The key players involved are Chris Miller, Kash Patel, and Ezra Cohen-Watnick, who held positions in the Pentagon and the National Counterterrorism Center prior to, and after the election.

Central to the devolution theory is that Trump knew the election would be stolen by a foreign power, and he viewed this as an act of war. In response, he preemptively and covertly took steps to invalidate the outcome of the election. The measures he took are known only to a handful of people, but they effectively make him the true Commander in Chief. A decision was made to allow the public to believe Joe Biden is President, but at a later date, we will be informed of the truth.

Further, the theory proposes that a few key military assets around the country are covertly supporting Trump, while most of the military believes Biden is calling the shots. At a future time—perhaps when indisputable evidence of election fraud is made public—the military and Trump will make their big reveal.

One objection to the theory is the adoption of “woke” ideology by military leaders. Critics say that the military has gone soft and would not support Trump today. The U.S. military is comprised of approximately one million people who come from all walks of life, who espouse diverse ideologies and have different loyalties. It’s a gross oversimplification to say “the military is corrupt,” or “the military is woke.” The military is highly compartmentalized. The ideologies and loyalties of one group are not universally embraced by other groups.

Members of Special Operations teams are selected from a large number of applicants based on specific criteria including loyalty. You’re not going to find wokeism being promoted in their ranks. These men and women are patriots, and the devolution articles suggest that these are the very people Trump is working with.

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